Ethno-Political Landscapes of Ancient Abkhazia

Jan 28, 2026

Abasgia: Borders, Society, and Relations with Byzantium (2nd–8th Centuries)

Abasgia from Arrian to Procopius: A Historical Overview

The Borders of Abasgia

The Abasgi (Abasgoi) first appeared on the historical stage in the 2nd century AD, thanks to Flavius Arrian. At that time they were led by a “king” named Resmag, who received this title from Emperor Hadrian (AD 117–138). To the east, the Abasgi bordered the Apsilae; to the west, the Sanigae. More precise information on their boundaries can be drawn from the 6th century. In the west they bordered the Sanigae along the Abask River (the modern Bzyb), and in the east they bordered the Apsilae along the Gumista River. According to Procopius, a key reference point was the frontier fortress of Trachea (modern New Athos), which stood on Abasg land.

In the 4th century, written sources refer to the Abasgi as “glorious”. Like many other peoples dependent on Rome, they did not conclude treaties according to Roman law.
The material culture of the Abasgi remains poorly studied. From the beginning of the 2nd century they became involved in Rome’s political sphere of interest, with Rome acting through Pityus. As in Apsilia, Romano-Byzantine coins became widespread here. Various local and wider Black Sea region ornaments were fashionable. Like the Apsilae, the Abasgi used Damascus swords and throwing axes known as “franciscas” in battle. Until the 530s–540s, they largely adhered to traditional (pagan) beliefs (for example, the veneration of trees).

Abasgia and Byzantium

In the first half of the 6th century, Abasgia was divided into two parts, each ruled by its own “king” (basileus). These “kings”, as Procopius reported, selected the most handsome boys among their people, castrated them, and sold them for large sums in Constantinople. Parents who protested were killed. The Byzantines decided, through diplomacy, to put an end to this brutal trade. Moreover, under Persian pressure in Colchis, Byzantine garrisons were forced to withdraw from Sebastopolis and Pityus in 542. As a result, Emperor Justinian sent to Abasgia an Abasg named Euphrates, who succeeded in persuading his compatriots to accept Christianity as the official religion. A bishop arrived from Constantinople, and with funds allocated by Justinian, a church of the Holy Mother of God was built for the Abasgi. A school was also established at the imperial court, where talented children from Abasgia received an education.

As a result, the Abasgi and the Byzantines acquired equal rights, since they were now of the same faith. Local princes were henceforth forbidden to mutilate and sell their fellow tribesmen who were Christians into slavery. When the princes attempted to restore their right to sell children, this provoked popular outrage, and the people expelled their rulers. At the same time, Roman soldiers sent by the emperor increasingly settled among the Abasgi. They began introducing certain new customs and even intended to annex Abasgia to the Roman Empire. The Abasgi, naturally, were enraged. This was exploited by the Abasg tribal aristocracy, who sought to restore the old way of life. Abasgia was again divided into two parts, headed by Opsites and Skeparna. Believing that the Persians were defeating the Byzantines in central Colchis, they decided in effect to break away from the empire.
In the summer of 550, a Persian force led by Nabed even entered Abasgia. The Persians took sixty boys from the most noble families as hostages and carried them off to Iran. Skeparna, ruler of western Abasgia, was summoned to the camp of Shah Khosrow, while Opsites, ruler of eastern Abasgia, began preparing for war against Byzantium. He placed great hopes in the seemingly impregnable fortress of Trachea. The fortress formed part of the inner defensive echelon of the “Caucasian limes”, protecting the Abasg mountain passes (clisurae).

The Battle at the Walls of Trachea

The ruins of Trachea (from Greek, “winding, rocky fortress”) still crown the summit of Anakopia Mountain near New Athos today. These Abkhazian Thermopylae guarded a narrow passage into the interior of Abasgia at the foot of the mountain, and also provided an excellent vantage point for observing the movement of ships at sea. Trachea was not large: the total length of its walls was 204 metres, and its usable area reached up to 0.3 hectares (by comparison, at Tsibila these figures were 1,200 metres and 1.5 hectares respectively).

The 6th-century Byzantine historian Procopius described the internal layout of Trachea in 550 with notable precision: “The houses of the Abasgi were numerous, stood close to one another, and, moreover, were surrounded on all sides by a kind of wall.” Justinian, evidently informed of the mood in Abasgia, ordered the rebellion to be crushed. A detachment of one thousand Byzantine soldiers was dispatched from Phasis, led by Uligag and John, son of the military architect Thomas the Armenian. After landing on the shore, the Byzantines attempted to take Trachea immediately from the east, along a narrow path running between a cliff and a coastal marsh, which was drained in the mid-19th century. From the cliff the Abasgi fired down upon the entire path. The Byzantines were forced to regroup: they sent part of their troops around and advanced on Trachea in two columns.

The Abasgi, whose numbers did not exceed several hundred, were compelled to retreat behind the fortress walls. However, the guards did not manage to close the gates in time, and the Byzantines burst into the fortress. The Abasgi took up defensive positions on the rooftops and tried to repel the attackers from above. At first this succeeded, but the enemy set fire to the houses, and Opsites, with a small detachment, was forced to flee to the North Caucasus, to the allies of the Persians—the Huns. The Byzantines captured the wives of the Abasg “kings” together with their children and retainers, and devastated the surrounding area.

The Anakopia Fortress

Thus the Abasgi uprising was brutally suppressed, an attempt to return to their traditional, pre-Christian independence. Yet life did not end there. Around a hundred years later, the Anakopia Fortress was built here (as a second line of defence), while the restored Trachea became the citadel (the first line of defence) of the Anakopia Fortress, which withstood an Arab invasion in 738.

The Apsils (Apsilae): History, Territory, and Society in Late Antiquity

The first to mention the Apsils was the well known Roman historian Pliny the Elder, who died while attempting to save people during the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 CE.

In 137 CE they were described by the Roman official, legate, Flavius Arrian, who visited, on behalf of Emperor Hadrian, the military base at Sebastopolis. The Apsils at that time lived to the north of the Laz and had a “king” named Julian, who had received the insignia of royal authority from Emperor Trajan, who ruled from 98 to 117 CE.

In the first and second centuries they inhabited a significant part of Colchis north of Phasis and as far as Sebastopolis, a fact confirmed by archaeological material.

In the following period, that is, the second to the fifth centuries, the Apsils are barely mentioned in written sources. Judging by archaeological excavations, the most densely populated area of Apsilia in the third to fifth centuries was the modern Tsebelda valley.

By the sixth century, the Laz had pushed the Apsils back to approximately the Ingur River.

The richest of the early Apsil burials is a grave at the village of Taglan, which today lies within the Gal district and which perhaps belonged to a member of the “royal” lineage of Julian. Numerous gold items were found there, including the head of a deer with branching antlers, beads and plaques. Silver vessels were also present, including a tumbler, bowls, a cup, a small dish and a ring, as well as fragments of a bronze pitcher, iron horse bits and other objects dating to the first and second centuries.

At this time, Roman coinage from Caesarea was in circulation in Apsilia.

In the third to fifth centuries a large quantity of classical goods entered Apsilia, yet the Apsils simultaneously developed their own distinctive culture. By the fifth century, they had mastered the production of their own amphorae for maritime transport.

In their graves, Alan burnished cups are found, and in Teberda and Nalchik archaeologists have discovered Apsilian pitchers with cup shaped rims that date to the fourth and fifth centuries.

In the sixth century several fortresses were built along the pass leading to the North Caucasus, the most important of which was Tsibila, in Abkhaz, Tsabal. These fortresses guarded one branch of the Great Silk Road, namely the route through Apsilia, often referred to as the “Darin route”. The Empire paid substantial sums for its defence. The Apsils were armed with the most modern weapons of their time, including Damascus swords, throwing axes known as “francisca” and other types of armament.

Apsilian Society

Socially, the Apsils retained the principal features of the clan system, an “administrative organisation” in its highest stage, namely, a “military democracy”. Therefore, every man was a warrior, even a smith. The iron inventory of one Apsilian burial from the third to fourth centuries consisted of a blacksmith’s hammer and items of weaponry. Each settlement of Apsilia united a large number of people linked by varying degrees of kinship. In the vicinity of Tsebelda, such settlements acquired an urban character. The patriarchal families of the Apsils were egalitarian. However, differences in economic standing could emerge between clan based settlements. The Shyapky lineage, also known as Rogatoria, appears privileged. The women of this lineage devoted more attention to their appearance and did not work in the fields, which is indicated by the absence of hoes in their burials and the abundance of ornaments. The men were better armed.

The Apsils at this time continued to practise their traditional, pagan religion, and they perceived the afterlife in a tangible manner. They believed that the dead were reborn and engaged in the same activities as in life. Men fought, and women attended to their appearance, cultivated the land and administered the household. For this reason, the deceased was buried with the items appropriate to their role, a custom which continued until the adoption of Christianity by the Apsils.

At the Walls of Tsabal

In the sixth century Apsilia, like all of Colchis, became a theatre of Iranian Byzantine conflict. It was in this context, in 550 CE, that the principal fortress of Apsilia, Tsibila, described as “extremely fortified”, is mentioned. At this time the Persian commander Nabed was advancing. A noble Laz, named Terdet, whom the Apsils knew well, defected to his side. He approached the fortress with his detachment, and the Apsils admitted him without suspicion, being unaware of his betrayal. When the Persian army arrived, Terdet opened the gates to them. The Apsils sent envoys to Byzantium to report the events and request assistance, but they received no help.

The subsequent events are vividly described by the Byzantine court historian Procopius of Caesarea. He writes, “The commander of this fortress had a wife who was from Apsilia, very beautiful in face. The commander of the Persian army suddenly fell madly in love with this woman. At first, he attempted to seduce her. When he saw that he had no success, he did not hesitate to resort to violence.

“Driven by furious anger, her husband killed him that night, along with all those who had entered the fortress with him and who became innocent victims of the passion of their commander, and he himself took control of the fortress.”

As a result, the Apsils rebelled against the Colchians, that is, the Laz, accusing them of refusing to provide help when they were attacked by the Persians. A Byzantine force of one thousand soldiers under John, son of Thomas the Armenian, had to resolve the incident through persuasion and peaceful words. Archaeologists have excavated the tower where the Apsils attacked the Persian detachment. The Persian weapons remained leaning untouched against the fortress wall and the bridles hung upon hooks, evidence of the complete surprise of the assault.

War Elephants in Abkhazia

In 553 CE the Persian commander Mermeroy employed war elephants in Apsilia, yet without success. The defenders of the fortress had powerful mounted bows, and the hardened arrowheads had lead stabilisers. Alongside this weaponry, the defenders skilfully used the squeal of a piglet, suspended by one leg. The elephants could not endure the shriek and fled.

The Main Fortress

Judging from Tsibila, Apsilian fortification techniques did not lag behind those of Europe. The fortress possessed pentagonal, domed and catapult towers. A bathhouse consisting of three rooms, cold, warm and hot, was discovered, as well as a water supply system, early Christian churches with a baptismal font, where Bishop Constantine baptised the adult population of Apsilia, a unique kiln for firing lime, a wine press and many other structures. According to archaeological evidence, Apsilia maintained links with Greece, Syria, Egypt, Carthage and many other cultural centres.

Later, around the eighth century, possibly slightly earlier, the Apsils, together with the Abasgians, Sanigs and Misimians, formed a unified Abkhaz feudal ethnic community.

The Sanigs and Their Place in Early Abkhaz History

Sanigs are generally regarded as a variant of the “Geniochi”. They are first mentioned in the first century BCE by Memnon, who wrote that Cleocharus, an appointee of Mithridates VI Eupator, fled from Sinope in the seventies of the first century BCE to the “Sanegs”. In the immediate vicinity of Sebastopolis, between the Apsils and the Geniochi, Pliny the Elder places the “Sanigs” half a century after Strabo, who had located in the same area the “Soanes” who surrounded Dioscurias.

In 137 CE, Flavius Arrian observed that “next to the Abasgians are the Sanigs, in whose land lies Sebastopolis”. At that time they were ruled by a “king” named Spadag, who was confirmed in his position by Emperor Hadrian. Arrian further situates the Sanigai to the north of the Abasgoi, explicitly noting that Sebastopolis lay within their territory. The Sanigai identified by Arrian are generally equated with the northern Abkhazian Sadz tribe, whose speakers migrated en masse to the Ottoman Empire in the late nineteenth century. Taken together, the testimony of Pliny the Elder and Arrian is of central importance for reconstructing the early history of the Abkhaz–Abaza branch of the North-West Caucasian–speaking peoples.

The territory of the Sanigs then extended north-west as far as the Aheunt River, identified with the modern Asha near Sochi, beyond which lived the Zilchs, or Zikhs. If the population around Dioscurias did not change significantly from the first to the third centuries CE, as suggested by the written sources, then the Sanegs, Sanics, Soanes, and Sanigs represent one and the same ancient Abkhaz tribal group, namely the Geniochi. In later sources, the Sanigs are consistently described as “the tribe living adjacent to the Abasgians”, with the Abask River marking their eastern boundary. According to Procopius, they later lived beyond the Zikhs, suggesting a shift or exchange of territories, though sixth-century accounts still preserved the memory of a time when the Sanigs occupied a much larger area extending from Sebastopolis to Pityus.

Sanig Culture

The material culture of the Sanigs in the early first millennium CE has largely been studied outside the present territory of Abkhazia, with the exception of the second century Greek inscription reading “King Pakur” on a silver vessel and an inlaid gilded rhyton of the fourth century from Achmarda. In the locality of Loo, to the west of Sochi, a richly furnished female burial was found in a stone tomb. The grave contained several silver vessels, over twenty gold buttons, plaques, beads, pendants, gold earrings, a needle case, a perfume flask and a ring. Also found was a glass vessel with a Greek funerary inscription manufactured in Alexandria in Egypt, and a silver brooch, a fibula, similar brooches are known to have been widespread in the region in the third century CE. Most of the gold items from this burial resemble the products of Bosporan workshops of the beginning of the Common Era.

Equally interesting is the burial of a warrior from Matsesta, dating to the third century CE. He was accompanied into the afterlife by an iron sword, a clay jug, a glass vessel, a silver cup with relief images and three silver coins from Caesarea in Cappadocia dating to the reign of Emperor Trajan, and other items.

A richly furnished burial of another warrior was found in Krasnaya Polyana, dating no earlier than the fourth century CE. Alongside the deceased were an iron sword, three spearheads, a battle axe of iron, the remains of a wooden shield with a bronze gilded boss, similar bosses have been found in the Tsebelda valley, the centre of Apsilia, a silver dish depicting a Persian noble hunting bears and three silver coins depicting Emperor Hadrian. The dish belongs to early Sasanian, that is, Persian, art. A single line inscription on the outside of the dish states that it originally belonged to Varahran, king of Kerman, who ruled from 262 to 274 CE.

These and other materials indicate broad economic and cultural connections of the Sanigs, primarily with Rome and the Bosporan Kingdom. The flow of imported goods into Sanigia was facilitated by an ancient transit route that led from the coast through Vorontsovka, around Mount Akhun to Krasnaya Polyana and further to the North Caucasus.
In Krasnaya Polyana a clay pitcher was also found, produced by an Apsilian workshop in the fourth to fifth centuries, which indicates real contacts between the Sanigs and the Apsils. In the fourth century Byzantine fortifications were constructed on the territory of Sanigia, and contacts between the local population and the classical world intensified.

Sanigs, also Sadz, as Ancestors of the Abkhaz

The kinship between the Abkhaz and the Sanigs is indicated by the fact that in medieval sources the Sanigs are located in the same territory where later the closely related Abkhaz tribe of the Sadz appears. The toponym “Sandripsh”, meaning the territory inhabited by the Sadz, derives from the name Sanig. The root of the word, “san”, is preserved in the name “San dripsh” or “Tsan dripsh”. In this territory one encounters river names ending in “ta” and “psta”, including Mzymta, Khosta, Matsesta, the latter interpreted in Abkhaz as “fire river”.

In the early medieval period the Sanigs, the Sadz, even though they used their own vernacular in everyday life, had already formed an ethnic branch of the Abkhaz feudal community. It is precisely to the Sadz that Georgian authors of the late medieval period apply the name “Jiki”, and the territory they occupied is described as “Jiketia”.

The Misimians

The Misimians entered the historical record in the sixth century CE in connection with their uprising against the Byzantines. Had this event not occurred, we would know nothing about them.

The Misimians formed part of the Apsilian union. They inhabited the foothill and mountainous zones, occupying the territory between the Kodor and Ingur rivers. To the west, they bordered the Apsilians in the area of Apsilia’s principal fortress, Tsibili. To the east, the boundary with the Laz passed near the Misimian fortress of Bukhlon (modern Pakhulan) on the Ingur. Both the cause of the revolt and the events themselves are vividly described by the Byzantine historian Agathias, who continued the narrative of Procopius.

The Mission of Sotterichus

In 554 CE, the Byzantine official Sotterichus arrived in Misiminia, bringing funds annually paid by the Empire to neighbouring peoples (in this case, the Alans) for guarding mountain passes.

After Sotterichus’ arrival, the Misimians learned that he intended to hand over their fortress of Bukhlon to the Alans, thereby avoiding the need to transport payments to Alania by circumventing the foothills of the Caucasus. Unwilling to permit this, the Misimians sent two of their most prominent men, Khadu and Tuana, to Sotterichus, demanding that he leave their country.

Outraged, Sotterichus ordered the envoys to be beaten with sticks, declaring that “subjects of the Colchians (Laz), who obey the Romans, must not be allowed to rage so madly against the Romans.” These events testify to the existence of a system of vassalage, which explains the subordination of the Misimians (and the Apsilians) to the Laz. It was precisely through the Laz that Byzantium conducted its policy in Colchis, creating for them the illusion of supremacy.

The Misimian Uprising

This insult, the beating of their envoys, naturally provoked outrage among the Misimians. That same night, they launched a surprise attack on Sotterichus’ camp, killing him and all his attendants, treating them as enemies rather than as overlords or guests. They also seized all the property of the slain and the imperial treasury, amounting to approximately 28,800 nomismata.

The Misimians then immediately appealed for assistance to the Persian commander Nachoragan. Soon afterwards, a Persian army of 60,000 invaded Lazica, neighbouring Misiminia. The Byzantines were unable to suppress the uprising at once. However, when the Persians were forced to withdraw from Lazica in late spring 555 CE, the Byzantines dispatched a force of 4,000 infantry and cavalry into Misiminia. With the onset of summer, the army entered neighbouring Apsilia.

Further Byzantine advance was halted by the appearance in Misiminia of large Persian contingents, which included many mercenaries from the Hunno-Sabirs. The Byzantines avoided precipitate action and deliberately delayed engagement, as the combined enemy forces were formidable. This standoff between the two armies lasted until winter. The Persians, unwilling to conduct warfare in mountainous terrain during winter conditions, withdrew from Misiminia.

This allowed the Byzantines to advance towards Tsibili (called Tibelia by Agathias), the principal fortress of Apsilia, which separated the land of the Misimians from that of the Apsilians.

Attempts at Negotiation and Renewed Hostilities

In order to avoid bloodshed, the Byzantines attempted to persuade the Misimians to make peace. As the Misimians and Apsilians were “close in their way of life” and language, the Byzantines sent envoys described as “the most prudent men among the Apsilians”. At the same time, Agathias emphasised—deliberately—that among the Laz, the Svans, and the Misimians, “the language is different, as are their customs”.

The Misimians refused to conclude peace, relying instead on their own strength and their knowledge of the difficult terrain. Despite their kinship, they executed the Apsilian envoys.

The Byzantine commander then decided on an active offensive, advancing deep into Misiminia towards its most strongly fortified stronghold, Tsakhar. The Misimians had turned this fortress into their main centre of resistance. Around it lay a Misimian settlement, unprotected by walls but situated in rugged, rocky terrain. Steep cliffs and precipitous slopes made access extremely difficult.

Byzantine command in Lazica appointed the experienced Cappadocian commander John Dacicus to lead operations against the Misimians, while the general Martin, having fallen ill, remained in Tsibili.

The Siege of Tsakhar and Its Aftermath

The siege of Tsakhar yielded no results for a long time. Eventually, the Byzantines discovered a path used by the besieged Misimians to descend to the river for water. At night, they cautiously made their way along this path, killed the guards, and broke into the settlement, where a brutal massacre ensued. The settlement was put to fire and sword. Agathias himself reproached the Byzantines for their cruelty.

From Tsibili, the general Martin watched the flames rising over Tsakhar with evident satisfaction, in accordance with a prior arrangement with Dacicus. However, the joy of easy victory proved premature. During the night, the Misimians made a sudden sortie from the fortress, attacked the Byzantines, and completely defeated them. In this critical situation, the Persians provided no assistance.

Exhausted by the prolonged siege, the Misimians ultimately capitulated. Dacicus agreed to conclude peace, demanding hostages and the return of the imperial treasury seized from Sotterichus. The Misimians fulfilled all conditions, and a peace agreement was concluded.

Consequences and Historical Interpretation

The Byzantine punitive expedition proved devastating for the Misimians. During the hostilities, they lost “no fewer than 5,000 men, even more women, and still more children”. At that time, having been brought to the brink of annihilation, the Misimians were introduced to Christianity. The fortress of Bukhlon, over which the uprising had begun, remained in Alan hands for a long time thereafter.

The Tsebelda expedition succeeded in localising Tsakhar at the site of the Pskhal Fortress (on the left bank of the Kodor River), which archaeologically belongs to the core group of monuments of the Tsebelda (Apsilian) culture. This is evidenced by similarities in fortress layouts adapted to the terrain, as well as by associated archaeological material. The Pskhal Fortress lies within direct line of sight from Tsibili, and only from there could the Byzantine commander Martin have observed the fire at Tsakhar.

The close connection between the Apsilians and the Misimians is also indicated in the Life of Saint Maximus the Confessor, according to which the fortress of Pusta (modern Apushta in the Tsebelda Valley) was located in the lands of both Apsilia and Misiminia.

Thus, if Apsilia and Misiminia are regarded as ancient Abkhazian ethno-political early class formations, it can reasonably be asserted that in the sixth and seventh centuries CE the ethno-political boundary between the ancient Abkhazian and ancient Kartvelian populations (the Laz) ran along the Ingur River.

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